公司新聞     |      2020-04-07 11:48


When the clapping started, it was impossible not to feel moved. At 8 p.m. on March 17, people across the Netherlands leaned out of windows and congregated on doorstops to make a show of support for medical workersbattling the coronavirus. First it was just a few claps, before the sound spread down my street in the Hague, working up to a crescendo of whistles and whoops.



medical workers

white-robed nurse/doctor  白衣天使

nurse's aide  助理護士

probationer nurse  見習護士

obstetric nurse  助產護士

hospital nurse  病房護士

staff nurse  科室護士

head nurse  護士長

the forefront medical workers  一線醫護人員

A neighbor I had never spoken to waved from across the street. The warmth and goodwill was the epitome of what it means to be part of a community—a scene also playing out in Italy, Spain and France as stricken neighborhoods come together.



But these spontaneous acts of solidarity stand in stark contrast to what is happening among E.U. nations. The epicenter of the coronavirus moved from China to Europe in the first half of March, and governments turned on one another. The pillars that were meant to hold up the E.U.—the free movement of goods and people—crumpled, as borders went back up and panicked governments stockpiled medical supplies with little regard for their neighbors.


coronavirus   /k?,r?un?'vai?r?s/ 

n. 冠狀病毒;日冕形病毒

eg.As we tirelessly continue to battle the coronavirus, the response from those around the world leaves us, the Chinese people, deeply humble.

在我們堅持不懈抗擊疫情之時, 世界各地的反應讓中國人深受感動。


When European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen announced on March 17 that the bloc would shut its external borders for 30 days, it felt as if the E.U. was playing catch-up with the many unilateral closures that governments had already enforced. It didn't seem to be a coming together of like minds.

3月17日,歐盟委員會(European Commission)主席烏爾蘇拉·馮德萊恩(Ursula von der Leyen)宣布,歐盟將關閉30天的外部邊境,這讓人感覺,歐盟正在追趕各國政府已經實施的許多單邊關閉措施。這似乎不是一群志同道合的人聚在一起。


When the E.U. is not in crisis mode, its leaders like to talk up its grand ideas, preaching to their 446 million citizens the narrative of diverse nations bound by a common set of values in a unique project bringing peace and prosperity to all. What is remarkable is how quickly those ideas can unravel.



英 /?n?rævl/  美 /?n?rævl/

vt. 解開;闡明;解決;拆散

vi. 解決;散開

eg.The discovery will help scientists unravel the mystery of the Ice Age. 


"The basic threshold of what it means to live in a community is that you have some collective responsibility to each other that goes beyond your self-interest—and there I have found it pretty shocking," says Chris Bickerton, an academic at Cambridge University and the author of The European Union: A Citizen's Guide. "It reveals that the political obligations of governments and leaders are really still national, [and] it seems very difficult to think of a common European identity under those circumstances."

劍橋大學的一位學者克里斯·比克頓(Chris Bickerton)(同時還是《歐洲聯盟:公民指南》的作者)表示:“生活在一個社區中的基本門檻是,你們彼此之間負有集體責任,這超出了個人利益,這讓我感到非常震驚。這表明政府和領導人的政治義務實際上仍然是國家的,而且在這種情況下,很難想到歐洲的共同身份。”


The coronavirus outbreak is the latest in a long line of crises that have thrust the E.U. into existential despair. The euro-zone crisis of 2008 first gave the lie to the dream of a pan-European solidarity, with wealthier nations loath to take any economic hit to come to the aid of struggling ones.





The refugee crisis of 2015 exacerbated this. As 1 million people arrived at E.U. borders seeking sanctuary, governments turned against each other; there was little support for nations like Italy and Greece on the front line of the crisis.



The coronavirus has arrived at a time when the effects of those emergencies still linger and threatens to be the final blow for the grand idea of a politically unified E.U. taking a leading role on the world stage. "This very much fits together with all of the issues around the other crises," says Susi Dennison, a senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. "Do we want to be a Europe that is globally engaged and gets things done through cooperation, or is the nationalist rhetoric more powerful?"

冠狀病毒到來之時,這些緊急情況的影響仍在持續,可能會對政治上統一的歐盟在世界舞臺上發揮領導作用的宏偉構想造成最后一擊。歐洲外交關系委員會(European Council on Foreign Relations)高級政策研究員蘇西•丹尼森(Susi Dennison)表示:“這與其它危機中的所有問題非常吻合。”“我們是希望成為一個全球參與、通過合作解決問題的歐洲,還是希望民族主義言論更有力?”


The warning signs came early.



As Italy became the first E.U. nation to suffer huge increases in cases and deaths, Rome appealed to fellow member states for medical equipment. Not one country volunteered this assistance, each government keen to hoard its supplies for when the virus came for its own citizens. Some countries, including Germany, banned the export of crucial medical supplies, flouting E.U. norms on the free flow of goods.



hoard 英 /h??d/  美 /h??rd/ 

n. 貯存(品),秘藏(品);古代寶庫;情報(庫)

v. 貯藏(錢財或貴重物品);(在某物匱乏時)積斂;儲存(以備后用)

n. (Hoard) (美)霍爾德(人名)

eg.Indeed, when governments start to hoard food out of panic, the panic itself stokes furtherinflationary fears.確實如此,在政府出于恐慌開始囤積糧食時,民眾的恐慌則會進一步加劇對通貨膨脹的恐懼”。

Then came a series of unilateral decisions on shutting E.U. borders, apparently with no coordination. France's Emmanuel Macron labeled early closures by Austria and Slovenia "bad decisions," reflecting an ill will going back to 2015, when many European countries shut borders to keep migrants out.

然后是一系列單方面關閉歐盟邊境的決定,顯然沒有經過協調。法國的埃馬紐埃爾·馬克龍(Emmanuel Macron)將奧地利和斯洛文尼亞提前關閉邊境的做法稱為“糟糕的決定”,這要追溯到歐洲國家自2015年以來的惡意,當時許多歐洲國家關閉邊境,將移民拒之門外。

With some borders left open, however, the effectiveness of differing approaches was called into question. For example, Belgium closed all schools, nurseries, cafés and restaurants on March 12, but in the Netherlands, they remained open. So Belgians living in border areas simply popped next door for their beer and frites. When the Dutch finally announced that schools, nurseries, bars and restaurants would close three days later, Health Minister Bruno Bruins blamed the Belgian "café tourism."

然而,隨著一些邊界的開放,不同方法的有效性受到了質疑。例如,比利時在3月12日關閉了所有的學校、托兒所、咖啡館和餐館,但在荷蘭,這些地方仍然開放。因此,居住在邊境地區的比利時人還是到隔壁去買啤酒和炸薯條。當荷蘭人最終宣布學校、托兒所、酒吧和餐館將在三天后關閉時,衛生部長布魯諾·布魯因斯(Bruno Bruins)將其歸咎于比利時的“咖啡館旅游”。

As the E.U. institutions struggle to find their role, it may well create a vacuum for populist and nationalist forces to thrive, as they did after the euro-zone crisis and the refugee crisis. Far-right figures have tried to exploit the coronavirus, with Matteo Salvini of the League in Italy implying migrant boats brought the virus and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban speaking of a "clear link" with illegal migration, despite no evidence to back up either claim.

在歐盟機構努力尋找自己的角色之際,這很可能會為民粹主義和民族主義力量的壯大創造一個真空,就像在歐元區危機和難民危機之后所做的那樣。極右翼人士試圖利用這種冠狀病毒。意大利聯盟(League)的馬特奧•薩爾維尼(Matteo Salvini)暗示,是移民船只攜帶了這種病毒,而匈牙利總理維克托•歐爾班(Viktor Orban)表示,這種病毒與非法移民有“明顯的聯系”,盡管并沒有證據支持這兩種說法。

refugee 英 /?refju?d?i?/ 美 /?refju?d?i?/ 

n. 難民,避難者;流亡者,逃亡者

復數 refugees

refugee camp 難民營

political/economic refugees 


eg.This means that the Palestinian refugee problem will be resolved outside the borders ofIsrael. 


But it is not clear if it will work, in the short term. Recent polling from Italy suggests a small drop in support for the League since the start of the coronavirus crisis. People are looking to governments for advice they trust, not opportunistic politicians without access to all the facts, says Dennison. "The power of being an opposition force, which populists are so good at playing on, loses some of its potency."



This could change after the peak of the crisis, as nations start to recover and people reflect on whether their governments fought for them or failed them. "Then there will be so much scope for people's grievances to be played on," Dennison adds.



To seize the upper hand, the E.U. needs to work out how its institutions can add value and show they have a purpose in times of crisis—especially as both health and internal border controls lie outside their mandate. One option might be a pan-E.U. economic package for those struggling to withstand the financial impact. "What will be required is a massive economic stimulus," says Philippe Lamberts, a co-president of the Greens in the European Parliament.



      國際泛歐聯盟主張的設想是由理查德·尼古拉斯·馮·康登霍維-凱勒奇伯爵首先提出的,他在《Paneuropa》中提出了一個統一的歐洲國家(European State)的設想。

      該組織的既定目標是建立一個非"虛無主義,無神論和不道德消費(nihilism, atheism and immoral consumerism)"的歐洲基督教聯合體。它獨立于所有政黨存在,但有著自己的原則,借此對政治家、政黨和其他機構作出評價。



· 自由主義(liberalism)

· 基督教義(christianity)

· 社會責任(social responsibility)

· 親歐洲主義(pro-Europeanism)

Once again it will come back to the union's central conundrum: Should the E.U. integrate and intervene more in its members' affairs or leave matters to national governments? The coronavirus may undermine the argument for a more ambitious pan European cohesion, Bickerton says. "For those who want to build on this, it seems to me to be a very difficult crisis to overcome."



None of these fundamental questions are on our minds right now, as we try to navigate daily childcare and trips to depleted supermarkets. One day, the crisis will end, but E.U. soul-searching seems destined to continue for some time.